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Know Nothing

Know-Nothingism acted as a lightning rod for change once it came to life. The electric energy was provided by the citizens and their beliefs. Perhaps it was just too hot for American public schools to teach even in the 20th century.

The anger of the Know Nothings was set off by immigrants who were seen as destroying the "middling" people. The immigrants provided cheap labor. This compounded the problem of having to compete with slave labor in the South. Slaves are of course the cheapest of cheap labor. The final insult was Congress allowing the introduction of slave labor into yet more states. The latter was the deal called the Compromise of 1850.

The moral of this story is that cooperation at the local or county level can overturn national power structures almost overnight. Benjamin Franklin's words may hold the key:

"The good men may do separately is small compared with what they may do collectively."

Know-Nothingism, first just a movement, received scant attention in the modern school texts on American history. This overview relies mostly on Mark Voss-Hubbard's book   Beyond Party for both the tenor of the times before the Civil War and how the Know-Nothings played a pivotal role. The book is an in-depth look at Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts linking county activity and organization to state and national elections and legislation.


The Lead-Up to 1850

At the founding of the United States, the right to vote had these requirements: citizen, white, male, over 21, property owner. The ability to read and write was also imposed in some locations. Fast forward to the Panic of 1837, a genuine depression. The country was alive with "movements" and "issue clubs" and lively debate. These were the major ones as the country reached 1850.

  • Labor reform to limit the workday to 10 hours. The six day work week was the norm. Ten Hour Clubs were well-known in some states.
  • Child labor to set age limits and hour limits. Under 9, under 11, etc. No limits existed.
  • Slavery, opposed by abolitionists and Free Soil Party. This suppressed employment and wages. One goal was to at least ban it in new states.
  • Immigration, particularly the rising number of Irish Catholics. This suppressed employment and wages. The Irish potato famine began in the 1840's and led to a wave of Irish immigration.
  • Nativism. Giving preferences to citizens born in the U.S. was an issue. For instance, a nativist wanted immigrants to wait perhaps 14 or 21 years before acquiring a right to vote.
  • Women's labor. Single women worked in factories in many industries and were affected by the labor laws or lack thereof.
  • Women's property rights: Debts incurred by a husband could be satisfied out of a woman's dowry or inheritance or other property.
  • Anti-alcohol movement, aka prohibition. Women created the movement as alcoholism and abuse made women the usual victims.
  • Debtor prison. The old practice of jailing people who could not or would not pay their creditors was still in use.
  • Free public schools. The idea was more widely discussed.
  • Corruption in government. It was regarded as wide-spread at all levels of government. Examples are blatant bribery, campaign contributions, stuffing the ballot box, awarding of contracts to supporters and cronies.
  • Patronage. Giving jobs to party loyalists whose main interest becomes re-election of all party candidates.
  • Party vs. principle. Principles and issues were seen as secondary to party in the eyes of political candidates.
  • Secret ballot. Voters might have to approach the voting official and cast their votes by speaking their choices publicly.
  • Anti-partyism. The perception that principle was lost on partisans and party members. Voss-Hubbard states: " . . . the Founding Fathers viewed party and faction as political evils of the first magnitude, destablizing forces that endangered the experiment in republican self-government."

The Role of Women

From reading "Beyond Party," women's right to vote was not at the forefront of the widespread dissatisfaction. However, women were seen as a moral force also opposed to "partisanship" and divisiveness. A movement not endorsed by the women was seen as not having sufficient moral authority. Voss-Hubbard states: "The organizational models on which they relied--particularly the voluntary association--led to a sophisticated grasp of organizational administration, money management, and ultimately government lobbying." Women utilized " . . . fundraising, leafleting, and canvassing; production of issue-specific pamphlets, broadsides, and newspapers; and petitioning of state and national legislatures." Thus, even without a single vote, women played a major, unrelenting role.


Excerpts from "Beyond Party"

To really study the movement, reading "Beyond Party" is the way to go. The following excerpts serve to provide you with the gist of the movement and the flavor of the times.

At the time, the Founding Fathers viewed party and faction as political evils of the first magnitude, destabilizing forces that endangered the experiment in republican government.

The Democrats rose to prominence in the mid-1830's by championing Jacksonian reforms such as expansion in the number of popularly elected state officials, public education, debtor relief, and a ten-hour labor law for children.

A political movement's organizational form, if it is sufficiently novel, may create a social environment "in which individuals reconstitute themselves as political actors.

The failure of the major parties to respond effectively to new and explosive issues opened the door for insurgent movements that mobilized on the idea that governance had broken down, corrupted by self-interested and arrogant party elites who pandered to special interests at the expense of the public good.

The Connecticut Temperance Society in 1851 and 1852 called on "the friends of Temperance in each and every town to concentrate their strength, without distinction of party," behind candidates who supported prohibition.

Beyond all, reformers developed a self-consciously antiparty style that produced ringing indictments of the two-party regime.

Whiggery's appeal rested on its aggressive promotion of commercial and industrial expansion.

. . . the Coalition edged the county's electorate toward a new set of identifications and solidarities that were based on specific reform objectives.

According to any eyewitness, the women marched around town armed with hatchets; "if they found liquor they destroyed it," humiliating local merchants in the process.

In one extraordinary act of solidarity, an official Amesbury town meeting appropriated $2,000 of public money for strike relief.

Meetings soon nominated Ten Hour tickets to the state legislature to contest the upcoming 1852 election.

"The legislature, having created Corporations, consequently must possess the power to limit their actions," claimed one supporter.

(Editor: The 1853 Massachusetts state constitutional convention adopted a bold new constitution to be voted upon by the citizens.)

. . . nonpartisan appeals on the principle that politics should yield to the public welfare -- in this case, a fairer constitution. . . . election by plurality for most state races, abolition of the poll tax, a secret ballot, . . . The document contained several economic, legal, and social reforms, including a doubling of the state's public school fund, abolition of imprisonment for debt, and a constitutional ban on special laws of incorporation for banking and manufacturing companies. With these political and constitutional reforms, Coalitionists argued, the corrupt axis of corporations and Whig politicians could be broken. Several factors combined to doom the constitution, however, and with it the Coalition.

By refining extra-partisan techniques and deploying them in the arena of electoral politics, reformers created alternative modes of political organizing and influence.

(Editor: Massachusetts, 1854) The Knows Nothings' entire statewide ticket . . . won nearly two-thirds of the vote in a four-way race. More impressive still . . . encompassing nearly 400 local races for the state senate and house of representatives. Know Nothing candidates carried all but a few of those races, some with more than 80% of the vote.

From Michigan to Louisiana and Virginia to California, Know Nothingism burst onto the national scene with devastating effect.

. . . Thomas Day called the movement "a spontaneous uprising of the great middling classes; the real virtue, enterprise and substance of the land irrespective of old fogy party hacks."

Over the course of their two-year reign, Massachusetts Know Nothings were especially generous in early social welfare, lavishing unprecedented sums on the common school system, a refurbished system of pauper relief, a new school for mentally handicapped students, and a modern hospital for the "insane poor."

Excessive hours of factory work, therefore, rendered female operatives "unfit for the duties which await them in life."

Know Nothing lawmakers responded with a law that prohibited children younger than fifteen from working in factories unless they attended a public or private school, "of which the teachers shall have been approved" by the local school committee, at least eleven weeks a year.

As the dominant anti-Democratic faction in most northern areas, Know Nothingism, far more than any previous insurgent expression, constituted the first genuinely regional organization to politicize antislavery.

(Editor: 1856) The National "shamocracy" was a "horde of mercenary office-holders whose loftiest patriotism never rises higher than a careful calculation of profits."

If the North in the 1850s is any indication, the extra-partisan tradition of democratic civic engagement has the potential to periodically infuse the party system with fresh ideas about how politics ought to be conducted and to what ends it ought to be directed.

As is well known, alternative organizing culminated in two new political vehicles: the populist, anti-Catholic Know Nothing movement and the incipient Republican party. The result was the utter collapse of Whig-Democratic hegemony and the demise of the Whig party itself. (p. 73)


The Power of Principle and You

The frustrations of the mid-1800's came to a head in the 1850's. The Know Nothings were a secret male society of Protestant native-born Americans. Voss-Hubbard says the typical member was a thirty-something. However much they might sound kind of like the Rotary Club, Rotarians they were not. No other group has ever brought about such an American ballot-box revolution as the Know Nothings.

In four short years between 1852 and 1856, the predominant Whig party went poof. From landslide victories and/or contesting every election, the Whig Party simply could not run any candidates in many areas in 1856.

Second, the Republican Party came into existence, and the Democratic Party weakened. From nothing, the Republicans even won the presidency with Lincoln in 1860 in their first try. Then, the Civil War ended slavery. Awesome change in so few years.

In fact, all issues itemized above in "Lead-Up to 1850" were put into play. As a transformational era, the presidency of Andrew Jackson started it, and the era of FDR ended it 100 years later. Major legislation transformed the entire American landscape from the 1850's thru the Depression era of FDR in the 1930's. It was the Know Nothings who lit the fuse.

Anti-immigration laws were passed. Labor laws were strengthened. Free schools became wide-spread. Women got the right to vote. And, even prohibition finally passed. Know Nothingism was the vehicle that set it all off. Yet of course, the Know Nothings, as a party, were a short-lived catalyst. When the chemical reaction was over, the Know Nothing "party" was gone, too. Poof by the Civil War.

Imagine that the lessons of the Know Nothing movement were to be applied to 21st Century America. Imagine that the Democratic Party voters found a ballot box alternative. Poof! Likewise, the Republican voters. Poof! One lesson of Know Nothingism is that principle wins hands-down when a ballot-box alternative is present. Like electricity, principle needs only a conductor.

Walter Isaacson's biography of   Benjamin Franklin describes the man's obsession with associations. Franklin formed the Junto Club and recruited fellow tradesmen and civic-minded Philadelphians.

First, around 1744, England would not defend its colony from the real threat of attacks by the French, the Spanish, and the Indians. England was too busy fighting King George's War.

Second, the Quakers of the Pennsylvania legislature did not act. Franklin published: "Should we entreat them to consider, if not as Friends, at least as legislators, that protection is as truly due from the government to the people." In other words, if their pacifist religious beliefs kept them from military action, Franklin wanted the Quakers to get out of the way or resign. The Quaker legislators neither acted nor quit. Third, finally, with their American populist spirit, Ben Franklin and his network had to organize a private army to defend the people of Philadelphia.

The common defense of a community was also the first principle of each colonial Hundred. The Hundred was also the civil backbone of each locality. The community, i.e. The Hundred, could simply not survive without cooperation of its citizens acting in unison. If an Indian war party wanted to cut off your scalp, you wanted every man and woman defending the fort. You would not have stopped to ask: "First, pray tell, are you a Whig or a Tory?" Nonpartisan cooperation worked in the 1700's through The Hundred. It worked for the Know Nothing era of the 1800's. It is alive and well in the 21st century.

Isaacson says of Ben Franklin: "This gregarious outlook would lead him, as a twenty-something printer during the 1730's, to use his Junto to launch a variety of community organizations, including a lending library, fire brigade, and night watchmen corps, and later a hospital, militia, and college."

To finally grasp the success of the Know Nothings, Benjamin Franklin's words may hold the key:

"The good men may do separately is small compared with what they may do collectively."

The key, a "kite," plus a storm full of lightning bolts.

-- Review by The Hundred Network.


Additional Resources

Know Nothing Movement in wikipedia.
Whig Party in wikipedia.
Know-Nothing Movement at factmonster.
Free Soil Party in 1848.
Beyond Party
Benjamin Franklin: An American Life

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