To really study the movement, reading "Beyond Party" is the way to
go. The following excerpts serve to provide you with the gist of
the movement and the flavor of the times.
At the time, the Founding Fathers viewed party and faction
as political evils of the first magnitude, destabilizing
forces that endangered the experiment in republican government.
The Democrats rose to prominence in the mid-1830's by
championing Jacksonian reforms such as expansion in the
number of popularly elected state officials, public education,
debtor relief, and a ten-hour labor law for children.
A political movement's organizational form,
if it is sufficiently novel, may create a social environment
"in which individuals reconstitute themselves as political actors.
The failure of the major parties to respond effectively to
new and explosive issues opened the door for insurgent
movements that mobilized on the idea that governance had
broken down, corrupted by self-interested and arrogant party
elites who pandered to special interests at the expense of the
public good.
The Connecticut Temperance Society in 1851 and 1852 called on
"the friends of Temperance in each and every town to concentrate
their strength, without distinction of party," behind
candidates who supported prohibition.
Beyond all, reformers developed a self-consciously antiparty
style that produced ringing indictments of the two-party regime.
Whiggery's appeal rested on its aggressive promotion of commercial
and industrial expansion.
. . . the Coalition edged the county's electorate toward a
new set of identifications and solidarities that were based on
specific reform objectives.
According to any eyewitness, the women marched around town
armed with hatchets; "if they found liquor they destroyed it,"
humiliating local merchants in the process.
In one extraordinary act of solidarity, an official Amesbury
town meeting appropriated $2,000 of public money for
strike relief.
Meetings soon nominated Ten Hour tickets to the state
legislature to contest the upcoming 1852 election.
"The legislature, having created Corporations, consequently
must possess the power to limit their actions," claimed
one supporter.
(Editor: The 1853 Massachusetts state constitutional convention
adopted a bold new constitution to be voted upon by the citizens.)
. . . nonpartisan appeals on the principle that politics
should yield to the public welfare -- in this case, a
fairer constitution.
. . . election by plurality for most state races, abolition
of the poll tax, a secret ballot, . . .
The document contained several economic, legal, and social
reforms, including a doubling of the state's public school fund,
abolition of imprisonment for debt, and a constitutional ban
on special laws of incorporation for banking and manufacturing
companies. With these political and constitutional reforms,
Coalitionists argued, the corrupt axis of corporations and
Whig politicians could be broken. Several factors combined
to doom the constitution, however, and with it the Coalition.
By refining extra-partisan techniques and deploying them in
the arena of electoral politics, reformers created alternative
modes of political organizing and influence.
(Editor: Massachusetts, 1854)
The Knows Nothings' entire statewide ticket . . .
won nearly two-thirds of the vote in a four-way race.
More impressive still . . . encompassing nearly 400 local
races for the state senate and house of representatives.
Know Nothing candidates carried all but a few of those races,
some with more than 80% of the vote.
From Michigan to Louisiana and Virginia to California,
Know Nothingism burst onto the national scene with
devastating effect.
. . . Thomas Day called the movement "a spontaneous uprising
of the great middling classes; the real virtue, enterprise
and substance of the land irrespective of old fogy party hacks."
Over the course of their two-year reign, Massachusetts
Know Nothings were especially generous in early social welfare,
lavishing unprecedented sums on the common school system,
a refurbished system of pauper relief, a new school for mentally
handicapped students, and a modern hospital for the "insane poor."
Excessive hours of factory work, therefore, rendered female
operatives "unfit for the duties which await them in life."
Know Nothing lawmakers responded with a law that prohibited
children younger than fifteen from working in factories unless
they attended a public or private school, "of which the teachers
shall have been approved" by the local school committee, at
least eleven weeks a year.
As the dominant anti-Democratic faction in most northern areas,
Know Nothingism, far more than any previous insurgent
expression, constituted the first genuinely regional
organization to politicize antislavery.
(Editor: 1856) The National "shamocracy" was a "horde of mercenary
office-holders whose loftiest patriotism never rises higher
than a careful calculation of profits."
If the North in the 1850s is any indication, the extra-partisan
tradition of democratic civic engagement has the potential
to periodically infuse the party system with fresh ideas
about how politics ought to be conducted and to what ends it
ought to be directed.
As is well known, alternative organizing culminated in two
new political vehicles: the populist, anti-Catholic Know Nothing
movement and the incipient Republican party. The result was
the utter collapse of Whig-Democratic hegemony and the demise
of the Whig party itself. (p. 73)